在被迫成為「台灣人」以後

在被迫成為「台灣人」以後

文/孫有蓉

繼三鶯部落、溪州部落之後，桃園縣的沙烏瓦知部落和崁津部落同樣面臨強制拆遷。同樣作為從花蓮移至都市的阿美族原住民，他們選擇以阿美族傳統的方式在溪流岸邊形成部落，這些被政府拆遷的部落都位於法定河川行水區，在政府面前全都屬於違章建築，不但沒有土地所有權，也無法取得土地使用權。因此，一個個「違章建築部落」被政府名正言順地拆除，剩下碎片與莫名奇妙的原住民，思索著自己為何要遵守這個不到一百年前逕自成立國家的遊戲規則。
現在的拆除動作固然合法，但合法是否意味著正當？而政府面對非主權主導族群的習俗與法律衝突時，用現存法律弭平所有差異，所有人遵照現存的遊戲規則是否必要(是否正義)？什麼時候，政府對於長期倡導的「多元文化」才能夠提出有系統的政策？文化，只有存在於生活，當我們嘗試用博物館、觀光特區…等動物園式地去證明我們多元文化。最終，我們只會剩下一種文化(很可能也不是漢人文化，而是商業文化)，而這塊土地也未曾開放、未曾多元。
這些原住民在民國七十年代如同當時許多其他台灣人，因為家鄉產業凋零找不到工作而到都市謀生，都市的繁華和機會並沒有對原住民們呈現，或者，對處於社會弱勢者，都市只將他們踐踏至社會最底層。除了階級上時常處於弱勢之外，在二三十年前，原住民在都市飽受歧視，不僅工作難以得到，漢人不將房屋租賃或出售給原住民的案例也比比皆是。就如對同社會弱勢，許多人譴責這些人自身的不努力而造就自己的弱勢。「民沒有賺取足夠的錢讓自己擁有土地所有權，在不用花錢、不用繳稅的土地上搭建房屋，加上這些建築物妨礙了公共建設的興建，違法本就應該接受法律制裁的後果，政府拆除違章建築既合法又正當。」在這樣的邏輯下，比「拿著一百分考卷的孩子不解地問著考零分的孩子，讀書有這麼難嗎？」更加無知與殘暴。一個政府，不應該如此無知、如此殘暴。
就如同美國的原住民，美國在建國、建立政府時霸道地將印地安人的土地納為美國國土，印地安人納為美國國民。在美國建國的歷史中，美國人對於印地安人的屠殺歷史和國家建設的歷史並行不悖。兩百多年的時間，美國才意識到那些浮出檯面的「國家認同」問題，與「多元文化vs國家法律」問題(通常國家法律都代表著掌握主權族群的文化與利益)，回過來修正、補償在法律、在國家體制上對於其他族群的壓迫之處。台灣是否要花上兩百年的時間，等到清除了看得見的原住民、驅離至看不見之處，並設立文化館展示著唯一可見的「原住民文化」之後，才發現這國家正義缺了腳，一拐一拐地走著？
所有節慶、假期都暗示著我們的法律扣合著哪個族群的文化與利益，這幾年來宣揚的多元文化，到底只是流行標語，或是將其他文化觀光化放入玻璃箱的藉口？我們的法律，是誰的正義，誰的遊戲規則？

大南埔外籍配偶現象調查

大南埔外籍配偶現象調查

文/孫有蓉


苗栗縣南庄鄉南富村（俗稱大南埔），一個南北貨物交通曾經盛極一時的客家農村，在快速道路開通後、在煤礦沒落後，大南埔和所有台灣農村都面對人口外移、休耕、人口老化、隔代教養...等現象。同樣地，當台灣農村普遍出現外籍配偶的同時，大南埔選擇外籍配偶的壯年人口已經約達百分之五十。有趣的是，大南埔在擁有這麼多外籍配偶的現況下，在表象上幾乎沒有出現文化碰撞、或者文化多元，甚至連語言都沒有普遍地產生衝突。進一步，在我們的調查下，我們發現：外籍配偶開始規模性進入的時間、大南埔當地洋菇業的興衰、大南埔稻作的興衰，在時間軸上呈現有趣的對比關係，而這些對比關係到底與大南埔當地男子普遍被引介去幾個國家娶妻有著什麼樣的關係？這便是此次田野調查欲解之謎。


農村人力再生產的斷裂

做爺爺奶奶這一代的老人家們說，大南埔在外籍配偶開始出現之前，家族之間的婚配都由父母指定，在大南埔鄰近的小南埔、三灣、獅頭山等農村間嫁娶，家裡讓我們借宿的叔母就從三灣嫁來大南埔。
這樣的婚配傳統並不只是出自地緣或者族群（客家人）因素，更重要的是，這樣的婚配制度讓農村人力在幾個農村中形成循環的再生產機制。不管是大南埔當地女性嫁到其他農村，或者其他農村女性嫁來大南埔當地，這些新成立家庭所孕育出的就是農村勞力的下一代，每個農村的勞動力不會隨著老去、出嫁而減少，而農村的下一代也因為從小務農、接受外在資訊短少、發展選擇少而繼續留在農村中務農或者從事其他工作。

國民政府來台以後，一連串的農業政策：三七五減租、耕者有其田、公地放領，使大地主消失，確立了台灣自耕小塊農地的現象，同時藉著發放各種股票，發展工業。隨著發展工業，與一項項不利農民的農業政策，農民開始必須向政府繳交大量的賦稅，再加上大量糧食的進口與飲食習慣的改變，稻米的需求量大不如以往，全台灣農村不是面臨轉作就是走向凋零。在農業凋零後，農村隨著產業沒落而勞動力需求量下降，開始面臨離農、人口外出找工作或者直接外移等等的現象。在這些條件下，原本農村的人力再生產機制面臨完全無法運作的窘境。但值得我們注意的是：若是農村勞動力需求過低，那為何不是人口直接離開農村，反而出現從其他國家迎娶配偶進入農村的現象？是否，在農村人力需求尚未嚴重低於供給量時，農村男子在當地或者鄰近農村娶妻就已經遭遇困難？而又是什麼因素使農村人力的再生產機制出現斷裂，使農村出現規模且有系統地迎娶外籍配偶？


田野紀錄

在大南埔進行田野調查四天的期間，我們總共對六位外籍配偶、一位外籍配偶的丈夫、幾位村落裡的長者與村長進行訪談。作為一群陌生人，冒冒失失地闖進村落、家庭，問著有一定敏感性的問題，讓少有經驗的我們訪談過程充滿困難。
大南埔的第一位外籍配偶在二十九年前嫁來台灣，本身為印尼加里曼丹島的客家裔，原本的家中便以務農與做一些小買賣為經濟來源，經過已嫁來台灣的印尼同鄉介紹便嫁來台灣。阿姨本來在大南埔的一間牛仔布工廠作成衣，這間牛仔布工廠約有二十名員工，全都是由女性作為員工，兩年前工廠支持不下去而關閉，所以阿姨便轉到頭份一間醫院做清潔工維持家計，因為阿姨的丈夫最近失業，所以家中經濟除了兩位已成年在台北工作的女兒，就只有阿姨作為家庭收入。阿姨來到這裡時，政府對於外籍配偶不同於現在的許多限制，不需要以去識字班上課的時數作為換取身份證的條件，兩個月就拿到了身份證。因為同樣都來自客家農村，阿姨來到大南埔並沒有語言上的困難，就連風俗都不覺得有太大殊異。
阿姨的狀況看似純屬個案，但經過對不同外籍配偶的訪談後，我們發現當地外籍配偶多數來自印尼，並且也都是客家裔，多半家中本來也都務農。當地外籍配偶第二多來自海南島，多數也來自海南島的農村，其他零星有些來自越南。因此，大南埔的外籍配偶來到當地並沒有遇到嚴重的語言問題，多半甚至不但能夠用客家話與長輩溝通，更在文化習俗上少有摩擦。

在我們一行人與當地舉足輕重的長者—林裕祥伯公、兩次意識報大南埔之行對我們熱情招待的張明彩叔公進行訪談後，我們發現：約於二十年前，大南埔達適婚年齡或超過適婚年齡的男子開始有規模地前往印尼、越南與海南島，透過兩地媒人迎娶外籍配偶，這種現象在十年前達到高峰，但如今因當地少有青壯年人口，所以此現象漸趨於無。同樣約於二十年前，台灣大量出口的農產加工原料—洋菇，因為外匯低落，利潤過低而開始沒落。據當地老人家的說法，三十年前台灣農村開始迅速人口外移，但大南埔當地一直到十幾二十年前才遭遇到大量的離農與人口外移現象。明顯可看出，外籍配偶規模地進入大南埔的時間、當地產業的興衰有著特殊的對應關係。

由大南埔簡史看外配現象

從大南埔近八十年的歷史來看，大南埔並非一個以農業為唯一經濟的農村，使之與台灣多數農村比較，大南埔當地發展出的貿易與手工業都遠遠超出其他農村。八十年前，大南埔因作為南北商貨交通要道，所以南北貨皆集中於此貿易。當時大南埔人口比起現在多二三十倍不只，多家大商行光一日生意運作便需要十五個夥計，可見當時大南埔之興盛。就當地耆老所述，三十年前通往南庄市區的快速道路開通後，大南埔失去了地利之便，昔日興盛的貿易便開始沒落。
雖說三十年前大南埔繁盛的光景便開始走下坡，但這下坡路並陡峭的懸崖，大南埔的經濟並未在三十年前就跌落谷底；相反地，比起桃竹苗三地農村，大南埔算是其中很晚開始面臨嚴重的人口外移、產業外移問題的村落。三到五十年的繁榮歷史，為此地提供了大量的人口、商行、與加工業的可能，當地現存上有三家雜貨店，三家雜貨店都比起想像中傳統的柑仔店還具規模，其中日輝商行更是繁榮歷史中所留下的遺產。這些具一定規模的雜貨店顯示出：大南埔大量人口外移、產業外移發生於近五到十年，在這之前，大南埔擁有足夠的人口支撐三家雜貨店的營運。但這三家雜貨店，現在已經面臨平日除了村裡小孩買糖果飲料，已經鮮少有顧客光顧，三家雜貨店的家庭都有其他工作或者子女在外地工作作為家中經濟來源。

洋菇業

大南埔自客家先民開發以來，一直以稻米為主要作物，而茶葉、洋菇都是農忙之餘，或者以婦女為主要人力的家庭副業。1966年開始，政府以農業支援工業發展，革新農業技術、推廣化學肥料、施用農藥、興建生產設施…等，使農業單位產量不斷提高，並且大量出口。米糖本為台灣出口最大宗農產品，在這段時期中因世界產量過剩而出口減少，取而代之的是洋菇與蘆筍，這兩樣農產品大部分在台灣工廠加工成罐頭後出口。
洋菇的種植由各地的農會推廣，在大南埔當地，民國六十五年之前，因為大家對新作物抱著觀望的心態，並不多人種植。但因為洋菇成為台灣農產品出口的大宗，極高的利潤吸引村民紛紛種植洋菇，在民國六十五年到七十五年間，大南埔的洋菇業達到鼎盛。除了極高的利潤，洋菇的種植在每年的十月，剛好在稻米已經收成之時，不會影響稻作，而收割後的稻梗即用來培養菌種。洋菇的利潤雖然極高，但種植洋菇所花費的成本與人力驚人，因為洋菇的收成時間很短，所以在洋菇收成時必須集結全家大小的人力收成，連家中小孩也必須加入收成的行列。因為收成時間緊迫而人力需求量又大，在大南埔當地就發展出了「換工制」，以今日人力換他日人力，其中完全不涉及薪支給付。民國七十五年，外幣匯率下降，洋菇利潤不如從前，加上民國七十八年大南埔一場菇棚大火，使大南埔漸漸不再種植洋菇。
洋菇所產生如此密集的勞力，讓民國六十五年到八十年間大南埔當地的所有人力緊密和產業聯結，雖然當時稻作農業已經開始走下坡，大南埔當地也開始出現少數的人口外移與離農現象，但洋菇所產生的經濟與勞力結構，都使大南埔的人力流失減緩。

加工工廠

除了雜貨店，近二十年的大南埔其實存在著不算少的簡單加工工廠，竹子加工廠、牛仔布成衣工廠、相框鍍金工廠、燈泡工廠和五年前剛設立的蔥抓餅工廠，這些工廠的規模不大，幾乎都是不需要困難技術的基礎手工業，並且廠內員工多半為女性。因為當地一直以務農為主，所以這些工廠吸納了當地所有的女性人力，使女性在種植自家家用蔬菜與家務事之餘將勞力投入這些加工工廠。從十年前開始，工廠因為不敷成本、人力外移開始外移或者停業，兩年前，本有二十位女工的牛仔布工廠停止運作，此後，當地就只剩下由四位員工運作的蔥抓餅小工廠尚在營運。


結論

綜觀以上大南埔產業的簡史，可以清楚意識到大南埔的人口、人口所連帶的工作機會(水電、水泥、模板…等技工)、加工業，都使大南埔人口流失、產業流失的現象晚於周遭所有農村。加上，就伯公與叔公的說法，大南埔種稻的技巧較好，在政府開始補助休耕時，大南埔稻作的單位產量所得的利潤仍然高於休耕補助，所以較其他農村晚發生普遍休耕的現象。這所反映的是，當外籍配偶開始進入大南埔時，大南埔當地經濟狀況比起其他農村好許多，當地稻作也尚有利潤，到底是什麼原因促使女子不願嫁入大南埔？
當農村開始沒落，多數女子預見農村即將凋零的景象不願嫁入農村，而這樣的心理狀態使女性考量的並非單純是男方家中的經濟狀況、工作，彷彿整個農村生活(務農與否)皆被貼上了社會標籤，使女性不管男方是否務農或家中經濟狀況良好與否皆不願嫁入農村。此外，傳統農村文化中，土地對於男性所產生的固著性大於女性甚多，所以男性不繼承祖傳農地而遷移外地的能動性就比女性晚釋放出來。當女性不願嫁入大南埔，而大南埔的稻作、經濟在十年前又優於附近農村，所需人力也超過鄰近農村，就引發了十年前外籍配偶大量進入大南埔的高峰。
台灣農村都可見到外籍配偶現象，但這些現象在每個農村也正在漸漸消失，尚存在普遍外籍配偶持續進入的農村反而顯示著這個農村農業的延續。拿大南埔為例，大南埔幾年前尚有幾位專門為當地男子與外籍配偶介紹的媒人，今日全都搬離。而大南埔外籍配偶的現象也開始消失，因為當地幾乎無法找到適婚的青年長期定居，人口外移的嚴重程度使當地的結婚人口趨近於零。

政府近兩年在大南埔進行的農村開發案，希望一方面將部分農地轉為建地，另一方面推廣觀光農業，希望農村人口回流。這樣的開發案實行後到底是否成功使農村人口回流，而成功的農村回流到底是再一次地促使外籍配偶現象產生另一高峰或者成功作為台灣農村轉化的範例？將是意識報長期關注的問題。

移工書單

移民勞工書目

Abella, Manolo. 1992. Contemporary Labour Migration from Asia: Policies and Perspectives of Sending Countries. In International Migration Systems: A Global Approach, edited by M. Kritz, L. L. Lim and H. Zilotnik, pp.263-278. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

------. 1993. Labor Mobility, Trade and Structural Change: The Philippine Experience. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 2 (3):167-249.

Aldrich, Louis. 2000. A Comparison of the official and Unofficial Systems for Foreign Workers in Taiwan: the Present Situation and an Ethical Analysis (in Chinese). Taipei: Fu-Jen University.

Alegado, Dean Tiburico. 1992. The Political Economy of International Labor Migration from the Philippines. Ph.D. Diss., Hawaii University, Manoa.

Anderson, Bridget. 2000. Doing the Dirty Work? The Global Politics of Domestic Labour. London and New York: Zed Books.

Arcinas, Fe R., Cynthia Banzon-Bautista, and Randolf S. David. 1986. The Odyssey of the Filipino Migrant Workers to the Gulf Region. Quezon City: University of the Philippines.

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人的流動、觀點的移轉

誠品好讀第65期

人的流動、觀點的移轉



藍佩嘉

　

根據勞委會統計，2005年2月外籍勞工在台人數共為331,741人，其中印尼佔17.2%，菲律賓佔28.9%，泰國佔29.2%，越南佔24.6%，馬來西亞與蒙古佔0.1%。

根據內政部統計，在2005年結婚的十四萬一千多對新人中，與外國人結婚者佔了9.7%，兩岸通婚的數字則為一成。2005年結婚的5個台灣新郎中，就有一位娶的是來自東南亞或大陸地區的新娘。

以上的官方陳述，在有關移民/移工的報章雜誌、學術論文中被大量的引用、複製，冰冷的統計數字無聲地傳達著隱形的政治訊息—對於這批新近外來人口的「顯著數量」、「快速成長」、的疑慮。數十萬的移民與移工，或付出勞動力，維持著台灣社會的清潔、秩序與現代性，或以身體與子宮，生產台灣的家庭與下一代。我們要怎樣看待這些移居人口，同時蘊含著我們怎樣看待自我的想像社群的邊界，如何書寫台灣的歷史與未來。

　

I. 誰是「移民」？

　

我曾經看過一封報紙投書，感染肺結核的家庭主婦說：「我的生活單純，會得到這種病是不是跟台灣越來越多外勞有關係？」也有立委與議員說：「台灣的愛滋數字逐年升高，我們是不是應該對外籍配偶、外籍勞工加強檢驗？」這些說法把「外來人口」視為危險、落後、不衛生、不文明的次等族類，需要小心監視與有效管理，相對而言，台灣社會被錯誤地想像為一個封閉、同質、純淨的群體。廖本煙立委只想到越南配偶身上是否有戰爭的生化餘毒，卻不去關心台灣境內的戴奧辛。移工與移民成為公衛防治、社會安全的漏洞的代罪羔羊。

綜觀台灣的歷史，從來就是一個移民社會的開放系統。除了荷蘭、西班牙、日本等殖民者的移入，來自中國的漢人，更於不同時期遷移來台並長期居留、成為島上的優勢族群。近年來，「移民社會」的說法逐漸成為主流的政治修辭，這樣的論述企圖以移民的先後順序來緩和族群間的對立與衝突 (沒有族群差異、只有先來後到)，以協商集體的「新台灣人」認同。然而，這樣的移民史觀仍是一個高度漢人中心的人口史，九零年代來自東南亞的移民明顯地被排除於這樣的歷史敘事之外。

其實，我們的漢人祖先，被貧窮所逼渡海來台的羅漢腳，其命運不就像今日離鄉背井來台灣打工的東南亞勞工？他們為了成家，從中國原鄉找人介紹老婆，不是近似於現今去越南找老婆的台灣農工男性？當年去日本打拼、或來台北工作的台灣父母，把小孩留給鄉下的阿公阿媽照顧，這情節豈不讓人想起如今因為環境限制、把「新台灣之子」交給越南外公外婆托養的越南配偶？

拉開歷史的軸線，我們看見台灣的人口是由一波又一波越洋渡海的人群所構成，我們的身體裡流動著跨越族群界線通婚的血液與基因，我們都是移民的後代，在努力與角力的過程中，我們將持續地書寫何謂「台灣」。

　

II. 何來「逃跑外勞」？

　

我在演講、上課談到移工人權的課題時，經常有聽眾跑來跟我說：「你說的都沒錯啦，可是有的外勞真的很壞耶，不扣她護照、不扣儲蓄金、不取消放假，她如果偷錢、逃跑、把小孩綁架了，我們怎麼辦？」我總是回問：「如果請的是台灣人，這些問題也都可能發生，那你覺得可以用同樣的方式來管理嗎？」對方無聲愕然。

對於家庭財物、人身安全的保護，對於外人進入私領域所造成的風險，都是合理的擔心與顧憂，從雇主的角度採取若干預防措施，也無可厚非。然而，不能因為是深皮膚的外國人，就可以合理化侵犯勞動人權的差別待遇。在私密的空間、近距離的互動中，種族主義更容易在我們身上悄悄地寄生繁殖。更重要的是，台灣對於移工的種族與階級歧視，是一個有法律與政令背書的合法罪惡制度。

我的美國朋友聽見台灣社會的「逃跑外勞」的說法時，嚇了一跳，她說：這不是奴隸制度時代的用語嗎？的確，我們作為受雇者，對於工作不滿時，我們可以自由離職，就算是草莓族被人批評經常不告而別，也沒人說他們是「逃跑勞工」。「逃跑外勞」之所以成為一個社會問題，反映出台灣對待外勞的制度框架。法律與政策將藍領契約外勞定位為一個「無權利的階級」，不僅缺乏政治權與公民權，也被剝奪在勞力市場中自由流動的經濟權 (無法自由轉換雇主)，而成為人身從屬於特定雇主的「奴工」。

外勞政策對於仲介產業的運作、雇主的日常管理，產生了如水波般的效應。配額管制、禁止轉換雇主的規定強化了仲介市場的惡性競爭及雇主收取回扣的陋行。高額仲介費的剝削下，移工的月薪在扣款後寥寥無幾；雇主以「防止逃跑」的理由，扣留其護照等身分證件，或是以「強迫儲蓄」之名，扣款押金；在契約束縛與債務腳鐐的綑綁下，移工必須忍受低劣的勞動條件(超時工作、不安全的環境)、勞動權益的剝奪(沒有休假、加班費未依法給付)，甚至是雇主在口頭與肢體上的虐待。



從去年到今年，抗暴的高捷泰勞、罷工的台塑菲勞，都用肉身與外語抗議著這個罪惡的制度。對於他們來說，合法地位與契約關係，與其說是提供保護的措施，更接近協助奴役的機制。泰勞事件不只是一面政商勾結的照妖鏡，也召喚出台灣民眾的罪惡感。原來，我們自豪的現代捷運，築基在種族歧視的奴工制度上；而我們的沉默，縱容了壓迫與剝削的暢行。

　

III. 誰需要「照顧輔導」？

　

吳平海導演說，他在各地放映「南洋姊妹在美濃」時，經常有台灣觀眾跟他說：這片子跟我的想像不太一樣，外籍配偶好像應該更「可憐」、「悲慘」一些…

台灣媒體中充斥著兩種有關外籍配偶的形象，一是被打的、被騙的、可憐的外籍新娘，二是賣淫的、騙錢的、可惡的恐怖份子。這樣的再現方式，至今仍然相當程度地影響了台灣民眾對於新移民的認知，以及台灣政府推動相關政策的基調。

官方投入有關外籍配偶的資源近年來確有增加，包括內政部編列三十億預算的「外籍配偶照顧輔導基金」。然而，許多活動仍然充斥嘉年華式的大型宣導，讓新移民穿著異國服裝、烹煮南洋料理、唱歌跳舞、跟大官握手合照，暴露出政府對於多元文化主義的膚淺認知。

新移民需要的不只是暫時性的救濟與扶助，而是自立自強 (empowerment)。我們擔心她們「不識字」(其實是不會說中文)，卻不重視她們流利的母語能力，其實可以幫助台灣矯正過往從歐美看世界的偏狹國際視野，也可以成為未來移民服務體系裡的重要文化媒介與人力資源。

我們煩惱新移民是否能夠成功的「適應」、「同化」，卻忽略了在邁入多種族社會的過程中，台灣民眾也需要再教育、學習如何了解與尊重文化差異，特別是在國家機器的末梢，位居第一線與外籍配偶互動的人員，包括警察、公衛護士、醫護人員、教育新移民子女的老師等。

吳平海片中紀錄了南洋台灣姊妹會的一個成功實例。反水庫運動的國際組織來美濃開會時，由新移民姊妹出面招待，她們與東南亞的運動者侃侃而談，舉辦了賓主盡歡的晚會。理事長吳紹文說，這個活動讓美濃的地方鄉親看到，擁有豐富文化與語言資源的新移民，其實可以成為台灣進行國際交流溝通的重要橋樑。

誰需要「照顧輔導」？其實是忙著握手的大官、大言不慚的立委，以及觀井窺天的我們自己。



VI. 誰的城市？誰的多元文化？



我的印尼移工朋友蘇娜，每週有兩天要從永和的雇主家，徒步走過中正橋到汀州路，幫雇主的父母家打掃。蘇娜告訴我，她總是一面穿過喧嚷車陣，一面盯著新光三越百貨的樓頂。遠遠看見這個路標，她就知道方向沒有走錯，更重要的是，看見三越，她就想到了對面的台北火車站，想到了放假日，想到了可以跟印尼朋友相聚在那裡，於是，她不覺得路遠腳酸、不覺得工作的孤單與疲累那麼難捱。

新光三越的摩天大樓，對多數台灣人來說，是體現繁榮、現代性、消費文化的城市意象。然而，對於移工來說，卻有著完全不同的象徵意義，更諷刺的是，儘管蘇娜每個休假日都到火車站的大廳消磨時光，她卻很少有勇氣踏入對面的新光三越百貨逛街，她害怕那些打扮得光鮮亮麗的小姐不屑的白眼，寧可坐五十分鐘的火車到桃園。在後火車站一帶，這個被台灣商家遺忘多年的角落，如今有泰國沙爹與印尼蝦餅的香味、有東南亞熱舞音樂與卡拉OK歌聲，讓這群打工客相互取暖度過寒冷的異鄉冬天。

雖然台灣民眾和移民/移工住在同樣的城市裡，擁有的空間經驗與意象卻大不相同。台灣國際勞工協會開辦的外勞攝影班的作品，展現了移工眼中的台灣。老人衰弱的身體、狹小的房間是她們日常生活的核心；街頭倒垃圾、跟鐵門相隔的鄰居聊天是她們有限的社交生活。最讓我印象深刻的是一隻狗的照片，移工攝影師淡淡的說，這隻台灣狗，過的日子比我好得多。

當新移民女性拿起了攝影機，當外勞詩人用筆寫下流離的經驗，她/他們讓台灣公民看見了不同的台灣側面，逼我們正視國際城市的霓虹光影下的幽暗角落。唯有透過文化詮釋權的挑戰與分享，唯有認知與反省差異內含的權力與不平等，多元文化才不會淪為優勢族群的口號與口水。面對未來的台灣，我們需要觀點的移轉，方能看見移民的主體經驗，與正視他們的文化差異所能為台灣社會注入的豐沛活水。

（本文作者為台大社會系副教授）

Record of Wild - strawberry student demonstration II

Chapter III Don’t grow strawberry as lily

Twenty years ago, a student demonstration went on. They named themselves wild lily to symbol the spirit of wild lily being strong and all over the small island Taiwan. Twenty year after, students become professors, and their students written down the history of wild strawberry.

Suggesting by the teachers, students selected the 12 student delegate at the first night but still decide most thing by direct democracy that every student can display their opinion and decide by voting. When the action moved to the square of freedom, teachers soon withdrew from affecting the decision making process and the dominant position. The decision making group that composed by these twelve delegates changed into six- person-decision-making group. This way of organizing students is used in the last student demonstration, the wild-lily student demonstration. For them, the delegates were selected by each college, they together with a professor as councilor composed the decision making group and took charge all the actions and announcements.

Seemingly, students wanted to copy the organizing system that made the last student demonstration seen successful. All working groups like medical, general affair, activity, media and announcement writing groups were functioning fine, but the decision- making group was lack of communicating with the mass at the first night they were selected. This situation made the action like a headless giant, all limbs functioning well but could not lead the body anywhere. By ignoring all the condition that made the last student demonstration seen successful, the problems of the system gradually emerged. Students easily leaved and joined the demonstration at the square; on the Internet, opinions from all where could have drowned anyone whether they were a member of the action or not.

From November 8^th, it started raining and the temperature had dropped immediately, the worse thing was, all universities started their mid-term exam, most students went back to school and the action seemed awful and hopeless. Some students wanted to changed the situation and started reorganizing students, but the system had become too heavy already, that no decision can be made in the decision making group.

The problem of times that made the different condition of action started to clarify itself.

Record of Wild - strawberry student demonstration I

Record of Wild - strawberry student demonstration I

(this article is for university of leipzig student newspaper)

Background

November, a month that we can almost feel creatures wriggling beneath the surface of everything. It was deep in fall, but the sun tends to heat up the island, like the government in Taiwan tends to heat up emotion of citizens here.

On November 4th, Chairman of Association for Relation Across the Taiwan Strait Cheng, Yun-Lin arrived Taiwan for signing The Four Treaties of links between direct air line, shipping line, post; security of trading food…etc. Considering the Chinese delegate Chang, Ming-Ching had been pushed over by angry citizen that against the re-union of China and Taiwan, Taiwanese government became very cautious on the security of Cheng, Yun-Lin. But they over safeguarding and stepped on the age of the rage.

The signing of The Four Treaties was determined solely by central government and the whole process skipped the approval of congress legislative. This was the important factor that some citizen in Taiwan felt their government want to trade the authority of Taiwan out and made Taiwan to be a province of China. The relation between Taiwan and China have been very controversy for people both sides of the strait, it is so controversy that people had become very sensitive and irritated, and because it made people sensitive and irritated, the issue of relation across strait had become an ideology that manipulated by politicians. On the issue of The Four Treaties, government tried to change the situation of relation across strait without considering the collective feeling of people, so when Chinese delegate came, many citizens are full of hostility.

On November 3^rd, some protesters went to the airport and swing the Taiwanese national flag. Their action had soon been stopped by polices, and during the police driving away the protesters, they took off the flags, and might be accidentally bended the pole. This event had aroused anger of public through media; politicians started provoking the emotion of the mass. November 4^th, the day Cheng, Yun-Lin arrived; conflicts between citizens and police had broken out in many places. A music store was forced to close down by police because of broadcasting Taiwanese music. This event had been into the judicial process, the head executer of the action still deny that he had given the order to shut the store until now. Meanwhile, on Jung-Shan north Avenue, there had been dozens of police officers line up by the avenue. A group of young people gathered together at Nov. 4^th that night, tided flags which had been written on: “Your god damn mother me is Taiwanese!” (member in this motor troop had more girls than boys, so they named it 『Your- god –damn- mother troop』)and rode on their motorcycle though Jung-Shan north Avenue . The troop had been stopped by police at the beginning of Jung-Shan north Avenue.

Through the media, people kept receiving the news like: three girls dress up in many kinds of flags had been block out by the police from approaching, and a girl had her finger broken during the dragging between polices; a documentary film maker had been dragged back to police station from Yung-Shan hotel because of filming; three girls had been trapped and injured by troops of polices with shields. These news irritated most people, some claimed that democracy in Taiwan had fallen back for twenty years to the autocratic time.

chapter I Restlessness in black and white

On November 5^th, at night, a small group of students of Taiwan university and some professors who had joined the student demonstration twenty years ago gathered together in professor Fan, Yun’s office, discussing how they could have some action towards things that happened recently. At 11:00 pm, Professor Lee, Ming-tsung had published a announcement in his personal bbs Internet space. In less than half hour, the Internet space had been jostled in hundreds of people, the announcement had been spread all over Internet and the number of signing the announcement soon reach five hundred people. The announcement condemned Taiwanese central government that violated the human rights of Taiwanese citizens and decided to start sitting-in in front of the Highest Level of Executive department building at November 6^th 11:00 am. He called people to sit in with him with black shirt and respirators to convey the anger of people to the government. In the announce of the action, there are three demands, first, president and chief executor of Taiwan apologize to public; second, chief of police department and chief of nation security department to be removed from office; third, Congress Legislative amend the law of assembly and march at once.

chapter II The color that can not be colored

In the morning of November 6^th, the subway station close to Taiwan University had been crowded by students in black. It was like the scene in the movie 「V for Vendetta」, people all wearing V’s masks and cloaks gathering and marching.

At the time of eleven, the square of Highest Executive department building had crowded in about two hundreds people. It was deep in Fall, but the sun was so bright and the sun light was challenging the will of the attendants. Under the hot weather, students shouting out 「Apologize from president and chief executor!」, 「Remove chief of police department and chief of nation security department from office!」and 「Amend law of assembly and march!」. The gate had been lined up by polices. From morning to night we saw polices changing shift every fifteen minutes but except asking some students that represent this action to get in and meet some low- level officials, there is no answer from the government.

At night, all kinds of donates poured in. Huge spotlight had been set up, huge microphone speakers had been sent in, oranges, buns, water foods and sleeping bags were all over the small square. For a demonstration, this action was much more cheerful, sufficient on source and peaceful.

November 7^th, on five o’clock in the afternoon, after police announced that the demonstration had violated the Parade and Assembly Law for three times, hundreds of polices started moving the two hundreds students sitting in the square of Highest Executive department building by force. Students put forth all their strength singing as if their voice was going to be taken away. The song of the action is written by one student, it’s called “the sound of wild strawberry”.

The sound of wild strawberry

“I have opened my eyes, and had overcome the pain of awaking.

I stretched out my arms to welcome wind that stabbed; shaking off manipulation that struggle from.

I am not flower in the greenhouse, and you don’t need to disguise the tenderness.

I would never get to learn the sham; and can only face myself truthfully.

We have our dreams; we have what we want to shout.

After you betrayed yourself, do not together sell us out.

We have our dreams; we have what we want to shout.

After your faith is thrown, we choose to walk out.

Quiet is not approval. Peace do not mean to accept.

The arrogant of you had burned me once more.

But this time, I won’t quietly take it all.”

Students that had been dragged into the police car had been carried to National Taiwan University. After got off the car, students gather to the square of freedom, the place that was honoring the autocratic president, and the place that last student demonstration went on. More and more students had gathered to the square, at the time of nine o’clock at night, there were about a seven hundred students on the square. Students selected out some students to lead the action by voting in groups, and divided works to students that make the group manage all kinds of problems. The demonstration had soon changed into the form that prepare for long term.

人權大事紀

人權大事紀(用於2008/12/10野草莓世界人權日活動)

文/孫有蓉(總整理)、高哲偉

1789 法國大革命

法國在大革命前已形成歐洲其他國家無法比擬的中央集權政治體制：在王權中央形成了一個集行政、立法和司法權于一身的統一權力機構，有中央政府派出的各省總督總攬了地方政府的全部權力，中央集權制的政府幾乎達到了對全國的全面絕對控制。其次是當時法國政府四處征戰，還大興土木，修繕皇宮，導致國庫入不敷出，最後甚至到破產的地步。尤於國家花費過於龐大，所以只好向人民克以重稅。除此之外，階級差距非常的大，社會非常的不平等。再加上國民會議這唯一表達意見的管道被法國國王路易十六破壞，導致民怨無處宣洩，最終引發了法國大革命。

經過法國大革命後，自由平等思想深入人心，使人民相信若人權無法以和平方法獲得，則暴力革命是必要的手段。大革命的口號及「人權宣言」，成為日後法國及其他各國或國際組織制定憲法及人權法案的理論依據。法國大革命後，廢除「農奴制」，使個人獲得自由，進而使得資產階級的資本主義得以發展，歐陸各國於 19 世紀內紛紛起而傚尤。

1865 美國完全廢除奴隸制度

1774年美國獨立，但獨立後的美國並非所有住民都享有美國建國時所宣揚的自由、平等、美國夢，大批的黑人被當作奴隸販賣、在棉花田中日夜工作，並且承受著主人任意地鞭打與懲罰。

湯姆叔叔的小木屋，是描寫美國黑奴生活最為寫實著名的小說，在主人瘋狂地毆打著湯姆時，湯姆說道：

“老爺，要是你生病有難或是快死了，我願意救你一命，把自己心裏的血都給你。要是我這個可憐老頭子的滴滴鮮血，能夠拯救你寶貴的靈魂，我願在所不惜，把滴滴鮮血都奉獻出來，正像救世主把自己的血賜給我一樣。哦，老爺！別把這個大罪帶給你的靈魂吧！這與其說傷害了我，倒不如說傷害了你！你儘管作惡吧，我的苦難很快就會過去；可是，你要是不悔罪，你的苦難是沒邊沒緣的！”

廢除黑奴與否問題間接地成為美國內戰的導火線，五年戰火血洗美國國土。一次，人們和當時的美國總統林肯談到南北戰爭造成了許多殘酷流血，林肯沈吟了一下說：“就算是我們對黑人的賠償吧！”直到南北戰爭結束後，1865年美國各州完全廢除奴隸制度，黑人就此成為公民。

20世紀歐洲各國女權運動開始。1920美國女權運動，爭取到婦女投票權。

女權天使

二十世紀歐洲各國女權運動開始白熱化，婦女開始走上街頭希望政府給予公民參政權。1920年，美國在一個男性主宰的社會裡，婦女因為主張婦女投票權的行動而入獄，在獄中絕食抗議，她們拒絕獄方強迫餵食，因此有了「鐵下巴」的稱號。她們認為，只有擁有選舉權，女性方能選擇一個為自己發聲的代表，進而脫離「次等國民」的陰影，逐漸走出被壓迫的宿命。懷抱著熱忱與理想，她們咬牙承受社會輿論的指責、大眾的羞辱、甚至政府的打壓，為的就是使全國，甚至全世界，都能正視女權議題。她們鐵一般的意志和勇氣鼓舞了整個國家，也在1920讓美國國會通過了女性選舉權的憲法修正案。

1948 宣佈世界人權宣言

人類吸取了這慘痛的歷史經驗教訓過後，為了避免這樣的悲慘歷史重演，通過聯合國在1948年12月10日發表《世界人權宣言》。值得注意的是，《世界人權宣言》是聯合國大會在沒有任何國家反對情況下通過的。

“世界人權宣言”（Universal Declaration of Human Rights）是聯合國為了促進和保護所有人民和所有國家的人權而通過的國際宣言。國際大家庭的每個成員都有職責履行《世界人權宣言》。《世界人權宣言》是所有人民和所有國家都必須“努力實現的公共標準”。

《世界人權宣言》開宗明義地宣稱:“人人生而自由，在尊嚴和權利上一律平等”。它是聯合國一切人權工作的理論基礎。《世界人權宣言》共有30條條文。條文談的都是世界各國人民所應享有的人權，包括公民，政治，經済，社會和文化權利。《世界人權宣言》是《國際人權憲章》的重要組成部分。可以說，《世界人權宣言》是每個國家必須遵守的人權準則。

1957年 美國黑人爭取投票權

在19世紀，南方黑奴的法律地位完全是由法律界定的，他們沒有任何權利，更談不上選舉權。即使是有自由的非洲裔美國人，無論他們住在北方還是南方，也不能投票。至於婦女，儘管通過了一些允許她們擁有財產和參與訴訟的改革立法，也仍被法律視為從屬於丈夫或父親，因而不適合投票。

南方州的奴隸制是經過了一場內戰才被廢除，為了使從前的奴隸得到合法地位和平等待遇，國家通過了三個《憲法》修正案。《第十三條修正案》(The Thirteenth Amendment)廢棄奴隸制度；《第十四條修正案》第一次把公民身份作為國民標誌，並將它授予所有出生或歸化美國的人；《第十五條修正案》禁止任何州以種族為由剝奪投票權。

遺憾的是，奴隸解放所帶來的希望很快消失，南方各州不僅相繼設置阻止黑人投票的法律或程序性障礙，而且還通過隔離法律把黑人永久地定在劣等地位。直到第二次世界大戰中美國軍隊的黑人和白人士兵為抗擊法西斯共同作戰時，人們才明白，一方面為海外人民的權利而戰，而另一方面卻因膚色而拒絕讓美國人享有這些權利，這是不成道理的。1957年：國會通過《民權運動法案》，賦予黑人投票權，但南部各州仍然反對。

1964 金恩博士黑人人權運動，美國民權法案宣佈種族隔離和歧視政策非法。

1896年，美國聯邦最高法院宣布種族隔離合法，國家合法地將學校區分為白人學校與黑人學校，公車也分白人座位與黑人座位，禁止黑人進入特定地點像是餐廳、飯店與公立學校。種族歧視此時瀰漫著整個美國。小說黑色棉花田中以一位小女生的眼光看著整個種族歧視嚴重的美國，在學校課本的第一頁有著一張使用表，排列著有錢白人、窮白人、印地安人…，列表的最後一欄寫著黑人，表示所有資源黑人最後才能使用。金恩博士主張用和平非暴力的方式爭取廢除種族隔離和歧視政策。1963年的華盛頓大遊行上，金恩博士發表了他著名的演講：「我有個夢想！」

“我們共和國的締造者草擬憲法和獨立宣言的氣壯山河的詞句時，曾向每一個美國人許下了諾言，他們承諾給予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剝奪的權利。就有色公民而論，美國顯然沒有實踐她的諾言。美國沒有履行這項神聖的義務，只是給黑人開了一張空頭支票，支票上蓋著“資金不足”的戳子後便退了回來。但是我們不相信正義的銀行已經破產，我們不相信，在這個國家巨大的機會之庫裏已沒有足夠的儲備。因此今天我們要求將支票兌現——這張支票將給予我們寶貴的自由和正義的保障。”

1968年，金恩博士遭刺殺身亡。

1989台灣言論自由鬥士—鄭南榕

曾經鐵幕降在這塊土地上，曾經牢籠罩在這塊土地上，漆黑的夜，大家瑟縮著！而他，鄭南榕，用它小小的身體，照亮了這籠罩的重重陰驪，為星星之火可以燎原，在歷史上坐下最好的註解。

你可以說他自不量力，也可以說他不愛惜自己，但是他這樣的對自己不疼惜，我們知道，是因為對更大的目標的追尋，百分之百的言論自由。

也許，你不知道鄭南榕！但是他種下的民主種子到二十年後的今天以成長茁壯，我們做在下面乘涼。也許，你不知道他！但是他追求那自由的空氣，在今天已經充滿四方，我們呼吸著滋養著我們的生命。

那天，就是1989年的那天，鄭南榕收到了涉嫌叛亂的傳票，他不願意被鐵幕所囚禁那自由的心靈，不願意政府莫需有的污辱，玷污單純的心，於是狠狠的抵抗，「國民黨抓不到我的人，只能抓到我的屍體」。他用一把火燃燒自己，是呀，也許只有這樣政府才不能破壞純淨。

他的燃燒的生命，也帶來一絲絲的光明，讓大家知道，什麼是黎明，不用繼續瑟縮在黑夜裡，只要我們追求，黎明總有來到的一天。而今天，天早已光，我們會去珍惜這得來不易，繼續的守護著這塊土地。

1990緬甸人權的困境

緬甸獨立以後長期由軍政府掌權，1988年八月八日，緬甸大學生發起學運推展緬甸民主運動，遭到軍政府暴力鎮壓，有三千多人死亡。1990年軍政府在國際壓力下舉行大選，翁山蘇姬的政黨「全國民主聯盟」贏得了絕對優勢，但軍政府選後不予承認，並且將翁山蘇姬軟禁至今。緬甸人權還正在努力，而世界許多國家領袖也共同聯名要求聯合國施壓緬甸軍政府釋放翁山蘇姬。