移工書單

移民勞工書目

Abella, Manolo. 1992. Contemporary Labour Migration from Asia: Policies and Perspectives of Sending Countries. In International Migration Systems: A Global Approach, edited by M. Kritz, L. L. Lim and H. Zilotnik, pp.263-278. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

------. 1993. Labor Mobility, Trade and Structural Change: The Philippine Experience. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 2 (3):167-249.

Aldrich, Louis. 2000. A Comparison of the official and Unofficial Systems for Foreign Workers in Taiwan: the Present Situation and an Ethical Analysis (in Chinese). Taipei: Fu-Jen University.

Alegado, Dean Tiburico. 1992. The Political Economy of International Labor Migration from the Philippines. Ph.D. Diss., Hawaii University, Manoa.

Anderson, Bridget. 2000. Doing the Dirty Work? The Global Politics of Domestic Labour. London and New York: Zed Books.

Arcinas, Fe R., Cynthia Banzon-Bautista, and Randolf S. David. 1986. The Odyssey of the Filipino Migrant Workers to the Gulf Region. Quezon City: University of the Philippines.

Asis, Maruja. 1992. The Overseas Employment Program Policy. In Philippine Labor Migration: Impact and Policy, edited by G. Battistella and A. Paganoni, pp.68-112. Quezon City: Scalabrinia Migration Center.

Athukorala, Premachandra. 1993. Improving the Contribution of Migrant Remittances to Development: The Experience of Asian Labor-Exporting Countries. Migration Review 24:323-346.

Bakan, Abigail, and Daiva Stasiulis. 1994. Foreign Domestic Worker Policy in Canada and the Social Boundaries of Modren Citizenship. Science and Society 58 (1):7-33.

------. 1995. Making the Match: Domestic Placement Agencies and the Racialization of Women's Household Work. Signs 20 (2):303-335.

------, eds. 1997. Not One of the Family: Foreign Domestic Workers in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Barber, Pauline Gardiner. 2000. Agency in Philippine Women's Labour Migration and Provisional Diaspora. Women's Studies International Forum 23 (4):399-411.

Battistella, Graziano. 1999. Philippine Migration Policy: Dilemmas of a Crisis. SOJOURN 14 (1):229248.

------ and Maruja Asis. 1999. The Crisis and Migration in Asia. Quezon City: Scalabrini Migration Center.

Burawoy, Michael. 1976. The Functions and Reproduction of Migrant Labor: Comparative Material from Southern Africa and the United States. American Journal of Sociology 81 (5):1050-87.

Castles, Stephen, and Mark Miller. 1993. The Age of Migration: International Population Movements in the Modern World. New York: the Guilford Press.

Chaney, Elsa M., and Mary Garcia Castro, eds. 1989. Muchachas No More: Household Workers in Latin America and the Caribbean. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

Chang, Kimberley A., and Julian McAllister Groves. 2000. Neither 'Saints' nor 'Prostitutes': Sexual Discourse in the Filipina Domestic Worker Community in Hong-Kong. Women's Studies International Forum 23 (1):73-87.

Chang, Grace. 2000. Disposable Domestics: Immigrant Women Workers in the Global Economy. Cambridge: South End Press.

Chant, Sylvia, ed. 1992. Gender and Migration in Developing Countries. London: Belhaven Press.

------ and Cathy McIlwaine. 1995. Women of a Lesser Cost: Female labour, Foreign Exchange, and Philippine Development. Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

Chao, Sho-Buo. 1992. On the Problem of Foreign Labor. In Labor Policies and Labor Issues, edited by S.-B. Chao, pp.143-72. Taipei: Chinese Productive Center.

Cheng, Shu-Ju Ada. 1996. Migrant Women Domestic Workers in Hong Kong, Singapore and Taiwan: A Comparative Analysis. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 5 (1):139-52.

------. 2001. Serving the Household and the Nation: Filipina Domestics and the Development of Nationhood in Taiwan. Ph.D. Diss., Texas: University of Texas.

Chin, Christine. 1997. Walls of Silence and Late Twentieth Century Representations of the Foreign Female Domestic Workers: The Case of Filipina and Indonesian Female Servants in Malaysia. International Migration Review 31 (2):353-85.

------. 1998. Service and Servitude: Foreign Female Domestic Workers and Malaysian "Modernity Project.". New York: Columbia University Press.

Chu, Ming-Ching. 1996. The Interactions Between Taiwanese Employers and Filipina Maids (in Chinese). MA Thesis, National Taiwan University, Taipei, Taiwan.

Clark-Lewis, Elizabeth. 1994. Living in, Living out: African American Domestics in Washington D.C., 1910-1940. Washington and London: Smithsonian Institution Press.

Cock, Jacklyn. 1989. Maids and Madams: Domestic Workers under Apartheid. London: the Women's Press.

Cohen, Rina. 1987. The Working Conditions of Immigrant Women, Live-in Domestics: Racism, Sexual Abuse and Invisibility. Resources for Feminist Research 16 (1):36-8.

------. 1991. Women of Color in White Households: Coping Strategies of Live-in Domestic Workers. Qualitative Sociology 14:197-215.

Cohen, Robin. 1987. The New Helots: Migration in the International Division of Labor. Gower: Aldershot.

Colen, Shellee. 1989. Just A Little Respect: West Indian Domestic Workers in New York City. In Muchachas No More: Household Workers in Latin America and the Caribbean, edited by E. M. Chaney and M. G. Castro, pp.171-94. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

------. 1995. 'Like a Mother to Them': Stratified Reproduction and West Indian Childcare Workers and Employers in New York. In Conceiving the New World Order: The Global Politics of Reproduction, edited by F. Ginsburg and R. Rapp, pp.78-102. Chicago: University of California Press.

Constable, Nicole. 1997a. Maid to Order in Hong-Kong: Stories of Filipina Workers. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

------. 1997b. Sexuality and Discipline among Filipina Domestic Workers in Hong Kong. American Ethnologist 24 (3):539-558.

------. 1999. At Home but not at Home: Filipina Narratives of Ambivalent Returns. Cultural Anthropology 14 (2):203-228.

Dill, Bonnie Thornton. 1994. Across the Boundaries of Race and Class: An Exploration of Work and Family among Black Female Domestic Servants. New York: Garland Publishing.

Dumont, Jean-Paul. 2000. Always Home, Never Home: Visayan 'Helper' and Identities. In Home and Hegemony: Domestic Service and Identity Politics in South and Southeast Asia, edited by K. M. Adams and S. Dickey, pp.119-135. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

England, Kim, and Bernadette Stiell. 1997. They think you're as stupid as your English is: Constructing Foreign Domestic Workers in Toronto. Environment and Planning A 29:195-215.

Findlay, Allan M., Huw Jones, and Gillian M. Davidson. 1998. Migration Transition or Migration Transformation in the Asian Dragon Economics? International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 22 (4):643-663.

French, Carolyn. 1986. Filipina Domestic Workers in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Centre for Hong Kong Studies.

Friedan, Betty. 1963. The Feminine Mystique. New York: Norton.

Frobel, F. Heinrichs, and J. and O. Kreye. 1980. The New International Division of Labor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Glenn, Evelyn Nakano. 1981. Occupational Ghettoizations: Japanese American Women and Domestic Service, 1905-1970. Ethnicity 7 (4):352-86.

------. 1986. Issei, Nisei, War Bride: Three Generations of Japanese American Women in Domestic Service. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

Hansen, Karen T. 1989. Distant Companions: Servants and Employers in Zambia, 1900-1985. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Harris, Nigel. 1995. The New Untouchables: Immigration and the New World Workers. New York: Penguin Books.

Heyzer, Noeleen. 1994. Introduction: Creating Responsive Policies for Migrant Women Domestic Workers. In The Trade in Domestic Workers: Causes, Mechanisms and Consequences of International Migration, edited by N. Heyzer, G. L. a. Nijeholt and N. Weerakoon, pp.xv-xxx. Kuala Lumpur: Asian and Pacific Development Center.

------, Geerje Lycklama a Nijeholt, and Nedra Weerakoon, eds. 1994. The Trade in Domestic Workers: Causes, Mechanisms and Consequences of International Migration. Kuala Lumpur: Asian and Pacific Development Center.

Hochschild, Arlie. 1989. The Second Shift: Working Parents and the Revolution at Home. New York: Avon Books.

------. 1997. The Time Bond: When Work Becomes Home and Home Becomes Work. New York: Metropolitan Books.

Hondagneu-Sotelo, Pierrette. 1994. Gendered Transitions: Mexican Experiences of Migration. Berkeley: University of California Press.

------. 2001. Domestica: Immigrant Workers Cleaning and Caring in the Shadows of Affluence. Berkeley: University of California Press.

------, Pierrette, and Ernestine Avila. 1997. 'I am Here, but I am There': The Meanings of Latina Transnational Motherhood. Gender and Society 11 (5):548-571.

Hsia, Hsiao-Chuan. 1997. SELFing and OTHERing in the "Foreign Bride" Phenomenon: A Study of Class, Gender, and Ethnicity in the Transnational Marriage between Taiwanese men and Indonesian Women. Ph.D. Diss., University of Florida, Gainesville, FL.

Hu, Yow-Hwey. 1997. A Discussion on the Policy of Foreign Domestic Workers and the Needs and Constraints of Working Women (in Chinese). Paper read at Foreign Labor and State Development, April 1997, at Taipei.

Huang, Shirlena, and Brenda Yeoh. 1996. Ties that bind: State Policy and Migrant Female Domestic Helpers in Singapore. Geoforum 27:479-93.

Kaplan, Eliaine. 1987. I Don't Do No Windows: Competition Between the Domestic Workers and the Housewife. In Competition: A Feminist Taboo?, edited by V. Miner and H. E. Longino, pp.92-105. New York: The Feminist Press.

Lan, Pei-Chia. 2000. Global Divisions, Local Identities: Filipina Migrant Domestic Workers and Taiwanese Employers. Ph.D. Diss., Department of Sociology, Northwestern University, IL: Evanston.

------. 2002a. Among Women: Migrant Domestics and their Taiwanese Employers across Generations. In Global Woman: Maids, Nannies, and Sex Workers, edited by B. Ehrenreich and A. Hochschild, . New York: Metropolitan Press.

------. 2002b. Subcontracting Filial Piety: Elder Care in Ethnic Chinese Immigrant Households in California. Journal of Family Issues 23 (7):812-835.

Lee, Anru. 1998. Guests from the Tropics: Labor Practice and Foreign Workers in Taiwan. Paper read at the 1998 annual meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, 27 March 1998, at Washington, D.C.

Lee, Joseph. 1998. The Impact of the Asian Financial Crisis on Foreign Workers in Taiwan. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 7 (2-3):145-170.

Lee, Powpee. 1995. Why Don't They Take Actions? A Study on Different Acting Strategies of Foreign Workers (in Chinese). MA Thesis, Fu-Jen Catholic University, Hsin Chuan, Taiwan.

Lin, Hsiu-Li. 2000. Going to Taiwan to Wash Benz: The Daily Practices of Filipina Female Household Workers in Thai Chung (in Chinese). MA Thesis, Ton-Hai University, Tai Chung, Taiwan.

Lin, Jean Chin-Ju. 1999. Filipina Domestic Workers in Taiwan: Structural Constraints and Personal Resistance. Taipei: Taiwan Grassroots Women Workers' Centre.

Lindio-McGovern, Ligaya. 1997. The Global Political Economy of Domestic Service Work: The Experience of Migrant Filipino Women Caregivers in Chicago. Research in the Sociology of Work 6:249-261.

Lycklama a Nijeholt, Geerje. 1994. The Changing International Division of Labour and Domestic Workers: A Macro Overview. In The Trade in Domestic Workers: Causes, Mechanisms and Consequences of International Migration, edited by N. Heyzer, G. L. a. Nijeholt and N. Weerakoon, pp.3-30. Kuala Lumpur: Asian and Pacific Development Center.

Margold, Jane A. 1995. Narratives of Masculinity and Transnational Migration: Filipino Workers in the Middle East. In Bewitching Women, Pious Men: Gender and Body Politics in Southeast Asia, edited by A. Ong and M. G. Peletz, pp.274-298. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Martin, David. 1996. Labor Contractors: A Conceptual Overview. Asian Pacific Migration Journal 5 (2-3):201-18.

Massey, Douglas, G. Hugo J. Arango, A. Kouaouci, A.Pellegrino, and J. Taylor. 1998. Worlds in Motion: Understanding International Migration at the End of the Millennium. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Momsen, Janet Henshall. 1999. Gender, Migration and Domestic Service. London and New York: Routledge.

NCRFW (National Commission on the Roles of Filipino Women). 1993. Filipino Women Migrants: A Statistical Factbook. Quezon City: National Commission on the Roles of Filipino Women.

Okunishi, Yoshio. 1996. Labor Contracting in International Migration: The Japanese Case And Implications for Asia. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 5 (2-3):219-40.

Palmer-Beltran, Ruby. 1991. Filipino Women Domestic Helpers Overseas: Profile and Implications for Policy. Asian Migrant 4 (2):46-52.

Parrenas, Rhacel Salazar. 2001. Servants of Globalization: Women, Migration and Domestic Work. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Paz Cruz, Victoria, and Anthony Paganoni. 1989. Filipinas in Migration: Big Bills and Small Change. Quezon City: Scalabrini Migration Center.

Pertierra, Raul. 1992. Remittances and Returnees: The Cultural Economy of Migration in Ilocos. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.

Pillai, Patrick. 1998. The Impact of the Economic Crisis on Migrant Labor in Malaysia: Policy Implications. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 7 (2-3):255-280.

Pratt, Geraldine. 1997. Stereotypes and Ambivalence: the Construction of Domestic Workers in Vancouver, British Columbia. Gender, Place and Culture 4 (2):159-177.

------. 1999. Is this Canada?: Domestic Workers' Experiences in Vancouver, BC. In Gender, Migration and Domestic Service, edited by J. H. Momsen, pp.23-42. London: Routledge.

Prothero, Mansell. 1990. Labor Recruiting Organizations in the Developing World. International Migration Review 24:221-8.

Salzinger, Leslie. 1991. A Maid by Any Other Name: The Transformation of 'Dirty Work' by Central American Immigrants. In Ethnography Unbound: Power and Resistance in Modern Metropolis, edited by M. Burawoy, pp.139-160. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Sassen, Saskia. 1988. The Mobility of Labor and Capital: A Study in International Investment and Labor Flow. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

------. 1999. Guests and Aliens. New York: The New Press.

Satzewich, Vic. 1991. Racism and the Incorporation of Foreign Labour: Farm Labour Migration to Canada since 1945. New York: Routledge.

Segura, Denise. 1994. Working at Motherhood: Chicana and Mexican Immigrant Mothers and Employment. In Mothering: Ideology, Experience, and Agency, edited by E. Glenn, G. Chang and L. Forcey, pp.211-236. New York: Routledge.

Skeldon, Ronald. 1992. International Migration within and from the East and Southeast Asian Region: A Review Essay. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 1 (1):19-63.

Soysal, Yasemin Nuhoglu. 1994. Limits of Citizenship: Migrants and Postnational Membership in Europe. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Suzuki, Nobue. 2000. Between Two Shores: Transnational Projects and Filipina Wives in/from Japan. Women's Studies International Forum 23 (4):431-444.

------. 2001. 'Misbehaving Victims': Reading Narratives of 'Filipina Brides' in Japan since the 1980s. Paper read at Association for Asian Studies.

Tarcoll, Cecilla. 1996. Migrating 'For the Sake of the Family?" Gender, Life Course and Intra-Household Relations Among Filipino Migrants in Rome. Philippine Sociological Review 44 (1-4):12-32.

Tolentino, Roland. B. 1996. Bodies, Letters, Catalogs: Filipina sin Transnational Space. Social Text 14 (3):49-76.

Tsai, Ming-Chang, and Jia-Huei Chen. 1997. The State, Foreign Worker Policy, and Market Practices: Perspective from Economic Sociology (in Chinese). Taiwan: A Radical Quarterly in Social Studies 27:69-96.

Tsay, Ching-Lung. 1992. Clandestine Labor Migration to Taiwan. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 4 (4):613-20.

------. 1999. International Labor Migration and Regional Transition: An Analysis of the Development in Thailand. Paper read at Southeast Asian Studies, 16-17 April 1999, at Taipei.

Tseng, Yen-Fen. 1998. Commodification of Residency: An Analysis of Taiwan's Business Immigration Market (in Chinese). Taiwan: A Radical Quarterly in Social Studies 27:37-67.

Tucker, Susan. 1988. Telling Memories among Southern Women: Domestic Workers and Their Employers in the Segregated South. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University.

Tung, Charlene. 1999. The Social Reproductive Labor of Filipina Transmigrant Workers in Southern California: Caring for those who Provide Elderly Care. Ph.D. Diss., University of California, Irvine, CA.

Wang, Hong-Zen. 2001. Social Stratification, Vietnamese Partners Migration and Taiwanese Labour Market (in Chinese). Taiwan: A Radical Quarterly in Social Studies 41:99-128.

Wong, Diana. 1996. Foreign Domestic Workers in Singapore. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 5 (1):117-38.

------. 1997. Transience and Settlement: Singapore's Foreign Labor Policy. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 6 (2):135-67.

Wu, Ting-Fong. 1997. Cultural Struggle in the Leisure Life of "Foreign Workers (in Chinese). MA Thesis. Ton-Hai University, Tai Chung, Taiwan.

Yeoh, Brenda, and Shirlena Huang. 1998. Negotiating Public Space: Strategies and Styles of Migrant Female Domestic Workers in Singapore. Urban Studies 35 (3):583-602.

------. 1999. Singapore Women and Foreign Domestic Workers: Negotiating Domestic Work and Motherhood. In Gender, Migration and Domestic Service, edited by J. H. Momsen, pp.277-300. New York: Routledge.

------. 2000. 'Home' and 'Away': Foreign Domestic Workers and Negotiations of Diasporic Identity in Singapore. Women's Studies International Forum 23 (4):413-29.

------ and Joaquin Gonzalez III. 1999. Migrant Female Domestic Workers: Debating the Economic, Social and Political Impacts in Singapore. International Migration Review 33 (1):114-136.

Zolberg, Aristide. 1991. Bounded States in a Global Market: The Uses of International Labor Migrations. In Social Theory for a Changing Society, edited by P. Bourdieu and J. Coleman, pp.301-24. Boulder: Westview Press.

人的流動、觀點的移轉

誠品好讀第65期

人的流動、觀點的移轉



藍佩嘉

　

根據勞委會統計，2005年2月外籍勞工在台人數共為331,741人，其中印尼佔17.2%，菲律賓佔28.9%，泰國佔29.2%，越南佔24.6%，馬來西亞與蒙古佔0.1%。

根據內政部統計，在2005年結婚的十四萬一千多對新人中，與外國人結婚者佔了9.7%，兩岸通婚的數字則為一成。2005年結婚的5個台灣新郎中，就有一位娶的是來自東南亞或大陸地區的新娘。

以上的官方陳述，在有關移民/移工的報章雜誌、學術論文中被大量的引用、複製，冰冷的統計數字無聲地傳達著隱形的政治訊息—對於這批新近外來人口的「顯著數量」、「快速成長」、的疑慮。數十萬的移民與移工，或付出勞動力，維持著台灣社會的清潔、秩序與現代性，或以身體與子宮，生產台灣的家庭與下一代。我們要怎樣看待這些移居人口，同時蘊含著我們怎樣看待自我的想像社群的邊界，如何書寫台灣的歷史與未來。

　

I. 誰是「移民」？

　

我曾經看過一封報紙投書，感染肺結核的家庭主婦說：「我的生活單純，會得到這種病是不是跟台灣越來越多外勞有關係？」也有立委與議員說：「台灣的愛滋數字逐年升高，我們是不是應該對外籍配偶、外籍勞工加強檢驗？」這些說法把「外來人口」視為危險、落後、不衛生、不文明的次等族類，需要小心監視與有效管理，相對而言，台灣社會被錯誤地想像為一個封閉、同質、純淨的群體。廖本煙立委只想到越南配偶身上是否有戰爭的生化餘毒，卻不去關心台灣境內的戴奧辛。移工與移民成為公衛防治、社會安全的漏洞的代罪羔羊。

綜觀台灣的歷史，從來就是一個移民社會的開放系統。除了荷蘭、西班牙、日本等殖民者的移入，來自中國的漢人，更於不同時期遷移來台並長期居留、成為島上的優勢族群。近年來，「移民社會」的說法逐漸成為主流的政治修辭，這樣的論述企圖以移民的先後順序來緩和族群間的對立與衝突 (沒有族群差異、只有先來後到)，以協商集體的「新台灣人」認同。然而，這樣的移民史觀仍是一個高度漢人中心的人口史，九零年代來自東南亞的移民明顯地被排除於這樣的歷史敘事之外。

其實，我們的漢人祖先，被貧窮所逼渡海來台的羅漢腳，其命運不就像今日離鄉背井來台灣打工的東南亞勞工？他們為了成家，從中國原鄉找人介紹老婆，不是近似於現今去越南找老婆的台灣農工男性？當年去日本打拼、或來台北工作的台灣父母，把小孩留給鄉下的阿公阿媽照顧，這情節豈不讓人想起如今因為環境限制、把「新台灣之子」交給越南外公外婆托養的越南配偶？

拉開歷史的軸線，我們看見台灣的人口是由一波又一波越洋渡海的人群所構成，我們的身體裡流動著跨越族群界線通婚的血液與基因，我們都是移民的後代，在努力與角力的過程中，我們將持續地書寫何謂「台灣」。

　

II. 何來「逃跑外勞」？

　

我在演講、上課談到移工人權的課題時，經常有聽眾跑來跟我說：「你說的都沒錯啦，可是有的外勞真的很壞耶，不扣她護照、不扣儲蓄金、不取消放假，她如果偷錢、逃跑、把小孩綁架了，我們怎麼辦？」我總是回問：「如果請的是台灣人，這些問題也都可能發生，那你覺得可以用同樣的方式來管理嗎？」對方無聲愕然。

對於家庭財物、人身安全的保護，對於外人進入私領域所造成的風險，都是合理的擔心與顧憂，從雇主的角度採取若干預防措施，也無可厚非。然而，不能因為是深皮膚的外國人，就可以合理化侵犯勞動人權的差別待遇。在私密的空間、近距離的互動中，種族主義更容易在我們身上悄悄地寄生繁殖。更重要的是，台灣對於移工的種族與階級歧視，是一個有法律與政令背書的合法罪惡制度。

我的美國朋友聽見台灣社會的「逃跑外勞」的說法時，嚇了一跳，她說：這不是奴隸制度時代的用語嗎？的確，我們作為受雇者，對於工作不滿時，我們可以自由離職，就算是草莓族被人批評經常不告而別，也沒人說他們是「逃跑勞工」。「逃跑外勞」之所以成為一個社會問題，反映出台灣對待外勞的制度框架。法律與政策將藍領契約外勞定位為一個「無權利的階級」，不僅缺乏政治權與公民權，也被剝奪在勞力市場中自由流動的經濟權 (無法自由轉換雇主)，而成為人身從屬於特定雇主的「奴工」。

外勞政策對於仲介產業的運作、雇主的日常管理，產生了如水波般的效應。配額管制、禁止轉換雇主的規定強化了仲介市場的惡性競爭及雇主收取回扣的陋行。高額仲介費的剝削下，移工的月薪在扣款後寥寥無幾；雇主以「防止逃跑」的理由，扣留其護照等身分證件，或是以「強迫儲蓄」之名，扣款押金；在契約束縛與債務腳鐐的綑綁下，移工必須忍受低劣的勞動條件(超時工作、不安全的環境)、勞動權益的剝奪(沒有休假、加班費未依法給付)，甚至是雇主在口頭與肢體上的虐待。



從去年到今年，抗暴的高捷泰勞、罷工的台塑菲勞，都用肉身與外語抗議著這個罪惡的制度。對於他們來說，合法地位與契約關係，與其說是提供保護的措施，更接近協助奴役的機制。泰勞事件不只是一面政商勾結的照妖鏡，也召喚出台灣民眾的罪惡感。原來，我們自豪的現代捷運，築基在種族歧視的奴工制度上；而我們的沉默，縱容了壓迫與剝削的暢行。

　

III. 誰需要「照顧輔導」？

　

吳平海導演說，他在各地放映「南洋姊妹在美濃」時，經常有台灣觀眾跟他說：這片子跟我的想像不太一樣，外籍配偶好像應該更「可憐」、「悲慘」一些…

台灣媒體中充斥著兩種有關外籍配偶的形象，一是被打的、被騙的、可憐的外籍新娘，二是賣淫的、騙錢的、可惡的恐怖份子。這樣的再現方式，至今仍然相當程度地影響了台灣民眾對於新移民的認知，以及台灣政府推動相關政策的基調。

官方投入有關外籍配偶的資源近年來確有增加，包括內政部編列三十億預算的「外籍配偶照顧輔導基金」。然而，許多活動仍然充斥嘉年華式的大型宣導，讓新移民穿著異國服裝、烹煮南洋料理、唱歌跳舞、跟大官握手合照，暴露出政府對於多元文化主義的膚淺認知。

新移民需要的不只是暫時性的救濟與扶助，而是自立自強 (empowerment)。我們擔心她們「不識字」(其實是不會說中文)，卻不重視她們流利的母語能力，其實可以幫助台灣矯正過往從歐美看世界的偏狹國際視野，也可以成為未來移民服務體系裡的重要文化媒介與人力資源。

我們煩惱新移民是否能夠成功的「適應」、「同化」，卻忽略了在邁入多種族社會的過程中，台灣民眾也需要再教育、學習如何了解與尊重文化差異，特別是在國家機器的末梢，位居第一線與外籍配偶互動的人員，包括警察、公衛護士、醫護人員、教育新移民子女的老師等。

吳平海片中紀錄了南洋台灣姊妹會的一個成功實例。反水庫運動的國際組織來美濃開會時，由新移民姊妹出面招待，她們與東南亞的運動者侃侃而談，舉辦了賓主盡歡的晚會。理事長吳紹文說，這個活動讓美濃的地方鄉親看到，擁有豐富文化與語言資源的新移民，其實可以成為台灣進行國際交流溝通的重要橋樑。

誰需要「照顧輔導」？其實是忙著握手的大官、大言不慚的立委，以及觀井窺天的我們自己。



VI. 誰的城市？誰的多元文化？



我的印尼移工朋友蘇娜，每週有兩天要從永和的雇主家，徒步走過中正橋到汀州路，幫雇主的父母家打掃。蘇娜告訴我，她總是一面穿過喧嚷車陣，一面盯著新光三越百貨的樓頂。遠遠看見這個路標，她就知道方向沒有走錯，更重要的是，看見三越，她就想到了對面的台北火車站，想到了放假日，想到了可以跟印尼朋友相聚在那裡，於是，她不覺得路遠腳酸、不覺得工作的孤單與疲累那麼難捱。

新光三越的摩天大樓，對多數台灣人來說，是體現繁榮、現代性、消費文化的城市意象。然而，對於移工來說，卻有著完全不同的象徵意義，更諷刺的是，儘管蘇娜每個休假日都到火車站的大廳消磨時光，她卻很少有勇氣踏入對面的新光三越百貨逛街，她害怕那些打扮得光鮮亮麗的小姐不屑的白眼，寧可坐五十分鐘的火車到桃園。在後火車站一帶，這個被台灣商家遺忘多年的角落，如今有泰國沙爹與印尼蝦餅的香味、有東南亞熱舞音樂與卡拉OK歌聲，讓這群打工客相互取暖度過寒冷的異鄉冬天。

雖然台灣民眾和移民/移工住在同樣的城市裡，擁有的空間經驗與意象卻大不相同。台灣國際勞工協會開辦的外勞攝影班的作品，展現了移工眼中的台灣。老人衰弱的身體、狹小的房間是她們日常生活的核心；街頭倒垃圾、跟鐵門相隔的鄰居聊天是她們有限的社交生活。最讓我印象深刻的是一隻狗的照片，移工攝影師淡淡的說，這隻台灣狗，過的日子比我好得多。

當新移民女性拿起了攝影機，當外勞詩人用筆寫下流離的經驗，她/他們讓台灣公民看見了不同的台灣側面，逼我們正視國際城市的霓虹光影下的幽暗角落。唯有透過文化詮釋權的挑戰與分享，唯有認知與反省差異內含的權力與不平等，多元文化才不會淪為優勢族群的口號與口水。面對未來的台灣，我們需要觀點的移轉，方能看見移民的主體經驗，與正視他們的文化差異所能為台灣社會注入的豐沛活水。

（本文作者為台大社會系副教授）

Record of Wild - strawberry student demonstration II

Chapter III Don’t grow strawberry as lily

Twenty years ago, a student demonstration went on. They named themselves wild lily to symbol the spirit of wild lily being strong and all over the small island Taiwan. Twenty year after, students become professors, and their students written down the history of wild strawberry.

Suggesting by the teachers, students selected the 12 student delegate at the first night but still decide most thing by direct democracy that every student can display their opinion and decide by voting. When the action moved to the square of freedom, teachers soon withdrew from affecting the decision making process and the dominant position. The decision making group that composed by these twelve delegates changed into six- person-decision-making group. This way of organizing students is used in the last student demonstration, the wild-lily student demonstration. For them, the delegates were selected by each college, they together with a professor as councilor composed the decision making group and took charge all the actions and announcements.

Seemingly, students wanted to copy the organizing system that made the last student demonstration seen successful. All working groups like medical, general affair, activity, media and announcement writing groups were functioning fine, but the decision- making group was lack of communicating with the mass at the first night they were selected. This situation made the action like a headless giant, all limbs functioning well but could not lead the body anywhere. By ignoring all the condition that made the last student demonstration seen successful, the problems of the system gradually emerged. Students easily leaved and joined the demonstration at the square; on the Internet, opinions from all where could have drowned anyone whether they were a member of the action or not.

From November 8^th, it started raining and the temperature had dropped immediately, the worse thing was, all universities started their mid-term exam, most students went back to school and the action seemed awful and hopeless. Some students wanted to changed the situation and started reorganizing students, but the system had become too heavy already, that no decision can be made in the decision making group.

The problem of times that made the different condition of action started to clarify itself.

Record of Wild - strawberry student demonstration I

Record of Wild - strawberry student demonstration I

(this article is for university of leipzig student newspaper)

Background

November, a month that we can almost feel creatures wriggling beneath the surface of everything. It was deep in fall, but the sun tends to heat up the island, like the government in Taiwan tends to heat up emotion of citizens here.

On November 4th, Chairman of Association for Relation Across the Taiwan Strait Cheng, Yun-Lin arrived Taiwan for signing The Four Treaties of links between direct air line, shipping line, post; security of trading food…etc. Considering the Chinese delegate Chang, Ming-Ching had been pushed over by angry citizen that against the re-union of China and Taiwan, Taiwanese government became very cautious on the security of Cheng, Yun-Lin. But they over safeguarding and stepped on the age of the rage.

The signing of The Four Treaties was determined solely by central government and the whole process skipped the approval of congress legislative. This was the important factor that some citizen in Taiwan felt their government want to trade the authority of Taiwan out and made Taiwan to be a province of China. The relation between Taiwan and China have been very controversy for people both sides of the strait, it is so controversy that people had become very sensitive and irritated, and because it made people sensitive and irritated, the issue of relation across strait had become an ideology that manipulated by politicians. On the issue of The Four Treaties, government tried to change the situation of relation across strait without considering the collective feeling of people, so when Chinese delegate came, many citizens are full of hostility.

On November 3^rd, some protesters went to the airport and swing the Taiwanese national flag. Their action had soon been stopped by polices, and during the police driving away the protesters, they took off the flags, and might be accidentally bended the pole. This event had aroused anger of public through media; politicians started provoking the emotion of the mass. November 4^th, the day Cheng, Yun-Lin arrived; conflicts between citizens and police had broken out in many places. A music store was forced to close down by police because of broadcasting Taiwanese music. This event had been into the judicial process, the head executer of the action still deny that he had given the order to shut the store until now. Meanwhile, on Jung-Shan north Avenue, there had been dozens of police officers line up by the avenue. A group of young people gathered together at Nov. 4^th that night, tided flags which had been written on: “Your god damn mother me is Taiwanese!” (member in this motor troop had more girls than boys, so they named it 『Your- god –damn- mother troop』)and rode on their motorcycle though Jung-Shan north Avenue . The troop had been stopped by police at the beginning of Jung-Shan north Avenue.

Through the media, people kept receiving the news like: three girls dress up in many kinds of flags had been block out by the police from approaching, and a girl had her finger broken during the dragging between polices; a documentary film maker had been dragged back to police station from Yung-Shan hotel because of filming; three girls had been trapped and injured by troops of polices with shields. These news irritated most people, some claimed that democracy in Taiwan had fallen back for twenty years to the autocratic time.

chapter I Restlessness in black and white

On November 5^th, at night, a small group of students of Taiwan university and some professors who had joined the student demonstration twenty years ago gathered together in professor Fan, Yun’s office, discussing how they could have some action towards things that happened recently. At 11:00 pm, Professor Lee, Ming-tsung had published a announcement in his personal bbs Internet space. In less than half hour, the Internet space had been jostled in hundreds of people, the announcement had been spread all over Internet and the number of signing the announcement soon reach five hundred people. The announcement condemned Taiwanese central government that violated the human rights of Taiwanese citizens and decided to start sitting-in in front of the Highest Level of Executive department building at November 6^th 11:00 am. He called people to sit in with him with black shirt and respirators to convey the anger of people to the government. In the announce of the action, there are three demands, first, president and chief executor of Taiwan apologize to public; second, chief of police department and chief of nation security department to be removed from office; third, Congress Legislative amend the law of assembly and march at once.

chapter II The color that can not be colored

In the morning of November 6^th, the subway station close to Taiwan University had been crowded by students in black. It was like the scene in the movie 「V for Vendetta」, people all wearing V’s masks and cloaks gathering and marching.

At the time of eleven, the square of Highest Executive department building had crowded in about two hundreds people. It was deep in Fall, but the sun was so bright and the sun light was challenging the will of the attendants. Under the hot weather, students shouting out 「Apologize from president and chief executor!」, 「Remove chief of police department and chief of nation security department from office!」and 「Amend law of assembly and march!」. The gate had been lined up by polices. From morning to night we saw polices changing shift every fifteen minutes but except asking some students that represent this action to get in and meet some low- level officials, there is no answer from the government.

At night, all kinds of donates poured in. Huge spotlight had been set up, huge microphone speakers had been sent in, oranges, buns, water foods and sleeping bags were all over the small square. For a demonstration, this action was much more cheerful, sufficient on source and peaceful.

November 7^th, on five o’clock in the afternoon, after police announced that the demonstration had violated the Parade and Assembly Law for three times, hundreds of polices started moving the two hundreds students sitting in the square of Highest Executive department building by force. Students put forth all their strength singing as if their voice was going to be taken away. The song of the action is written by one student, it’s called “the sound of wild strawberry”.

The sound of wild strawberry

“I have opened my eyes, and had overcome the pain of awaking.

I stretched out my arms to welcome wind that stabbed; shaking off manipulation that struggle from.

I am not flower in the greenhouse, and you don’t need to disguise the tenderness.

I would never get to learn the sham; and can only face myself truthfully.

We have our dreams; we have what we want to shout.

After you betrayed yourself, do not together sell us out.

We have our dreams; we have what we want to shout.

After your faith is thrown, we choose to walk out.

Quiet is not approval. Peace do not mean to accept.

The arrogant of you had burned me once more.

But this time, I won’t quietly take it all.”

Students that had been dragged into the police car had been carried to National Taiwan University. After got off the car, students gather to the square of freedom, the place that was honoring the autocratic president, and the place that last student demonstration went on. More and more students had gathered to the square, at the time of nine o’clock at night, there were about a seven hundred students on the square. Students selected out some students to lead the action by voting in groups, and divided works to students that make the group manage all kinds of problems. The demonstration had soon changed into the form that prepare for long term.

人權大事紀

人權大事紀(用於2008/12/10野草莓世界人權日活動)

文/孫有蓉(總整理)、高哲偉

1789 法國大革命

法國在大革命前已形成歐洲其他國家無法比擬的中央集權政治體制：在王權中央形成了一個集行政、立法和司法權于一身的統一權力機構，有中央政府派出的各省總督總攬了地方政府的全部權力，中央集權制的政府幾乎達到了對全國的全面絕對控制。其次是當時法國政府四處征戰，還大興土木，修繕皇宮，導致國庫入不敷出，最後甚至到破產的地步。尤於國家花費過於龐大，所以只好向人民克以重稅。除此之外，階級差距非常的大，社會非常的不平等。再加上國民會議這唯一表達意見的管道被法國國王路易十六破壞，導致民怨無處宣洩，最終引發了法國大革命。

經過法國大革命後，自由平等思想深入人心，使人民相信若人權無法以和平方法獲得，則暴力革命是必要的手段。大革命的口號及「人權宣言」，成為日後法國及其他各國或國際組織制定憲法及人權法案的理論依據。法國大革命後，廢除「農奴制」，使個人獲得自由，進而使得資產階級的資本主義得以發展，歐陸各國於 19 世紀內紛紛起而傚尤。

1865 美國完全廢除奴隸制度

1774年美國獨立，但獨立後的美國並非所有住民都享有美國建國時所宣揚的自由、平等、美國夢，大批的黑人被當作奴隸販賣、在棉花田中日夜工作，並且承受著主人任意地鞭打與懲罰。

湯姆叔叔的小木屋，是描寫美國黑奴生活最為寫實著名的小說，在主人瘋狂地毆打著湯姆時，湯姆說道：

“老爺，要是你生病有難或是快死了，我願意救你一命，把自己心裏的血都給你。要是我這個可憐老頭子的滴滴鮮血，能夠拯救你寶貴的靈魂，我願在所不惜，把滴滴鮮血都奉獻出來，正像救世主把自己的血賜給我一樣。哦，老爺！別把這個大罪帶給你的靈魂吧！這與其說傷害了我，倒不如說傷害了你！你儘管作惡吧，我的苦難很快就會過去；可是，你要是不悔罪，你的苦難是沒邊沒緣的！”

廢除黑奴與否問題間接地成為美國內戰的導火線，五年戰火血洗美國國土。一次，人們和當時的美國總統林肯談到南北戰爭造成了許多殘酷流血，林肯沈吟了一下說：“就算是我們對黑人的賠償吧！”直到南北戰爭結束後，1865年美國各州完全廢除奴隸制度，黑人就此成為公民。

20世紀歐洲各國女權運動開始。1920美國女權運動，爭取到婦女投票權。

女權天使

二十世紀歐洲各國女權運動開始白熱化，婦女開始走上街頭希望政府給予公民參政權。1920年，美國在一個男性主宰的社會裡，婦女因為主張婦女投票權的行動而入獄，在獄中絕食抗議，她們拒絕獄方強迫餵食，因此有了「鐵下巴」的稱號。她們認為，只有擁有選舉權，女性方能選擇一個為自己發聲的代表，進而脫離「次等國民」的陰影，逐漸走出被壓迫的宿命。懷抱著熱忱與理想，她們咬牙承受社會輿論的指責、大眾的羞辱、甚至政府的打壓，為的就是使全國，甚至全世界，都能正視女權議題。她們鐵一般的意志和勇氣鼓舞了整個國家，也在1920讓美國國會通過了女性選舉權的憲法修正案。

1948 宣佈世界人權宣言

人類吸取了這慘痛的歷史經驗教訓過後，為了避免這樣的悲慘歷史重演，通過聯合國在1948年12月10日發表《世界人權宣言》。值得注意的是，《世界人權宣言》是聯合國大會在沒有任何國家反對情況下通過的。

“世界人權宣言”（Universal Declaration of Human Rights）是聯合國為了促進和保護所有人民和所有國家的人權而通過的國際宣言。國際大家庭的每個成員都有職責履行《世界人權宣言》。《世界人權宣言》是所有人民和所有國家都必須“努力實現的公共標準”。

《世界人權宣言》開宗明義地宣稱:“人人生而自由，在尊嚴和權利上一律平等”。它是聯合國一切人權工作的理論基礎。《世界人權宣言》共有30條條文。條文談的都是世界各國人民所應享有的人權，包括公民，政治，經済，社會和文化權利。《世界人權宣言》是《國際人權憲章》的重要組成部分。可以說，《世界人權宣言》是每個國家必須遵守的人權準則。

1957年 美國黑人爭取投票權

在19世紀，南方黑奴的法律地位完全是由法律界定的，他們沒有任何權利，更談不上選舉權。即使是有自由的非洲裔美國人，無論他們住在北方還是南方，也不能投票。至於婦女，儘管通過了一些允許她們擁有財產和參與訴訟的改革立法，也仍被法律視為從屬於丈夫或父親，因而不適合投票。

南方州的奴隸制是經過了一場內戰才被廢除，為了使從前的奴隸得到合法地位和平等待遇，國家通過了三個《憲法》修正案。《第十三條修正案》(The Thirteenth Amendment)廢棄奴隸制度；《第十四條修正案》第一次把公民身份作為國民標誌，並將它授予所有出生或歸化美國的人；《第十五條修正案》禁止任何州以種族為由剝奪投票權。

遺憾的是，奴隸解放所帶來的希望很快消失，南方各州不僅相繼設置阻止黑人投票的法律或程序性障礙，而且還通過隔離法律把黑人永久地定在劣等地位。直到第二次世界大戰中美國軍隊的黑人和白人士兵為抗擊法西斯共同作戰時，人們才明白，一方面為海外人民的權利而戰，而另一方面卻因膚色而拒絕讓美國人享有這些權利，這是不成道理的。1957年：國會通過《民權運動法案》，賦予黑人投票權，但南部各州仍然反對。

1964 金恩博士黑人人權運動，美國民權法案宣佈種族隔離和歧視政策非法。

1896年，美國聯邦最高法院宣布種族隔離合法，國家合法地將學校區分為白人學校與黑人學校，公車也分白人座位與黑人座位，禁止黑人進入特定地點像是餐廳、飯店與公立學校。種族歧視此時瀰漫著整個美國。小說黑色棉花田中以一位小女生的眼光看著整個種族歧視嚴重的美國，在學校課本的第一頁有著一張使用表，排列著有錢白人、窮白人、印地安人…，列表的最後一欄寫著黑人，表示所有資源黑人最後才能使用。金恩博士主張用和平非暴力的方式爭取廢除種族隔離和歧視政策。1963年的華盛頓大遊行上，金恩博士發表了他著名的演講：「我有個夢想！」

“我們共和國的締造者草擬憲法和獨立宣言的氣壯山河的詞句時，曾向每一個美國人許下了諾言，他們承諾給予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剝奪的權利。就有色公民而論，美國顯然沒有實踐她的諾言。美國沒有履行這項神聖的義務，只是給黑人開了一張空頭支票，支票上蓋著“資金不足”的戳子後便退了回來。但是我們不相信正義的銀行已經破產，我們不相信，在這個國家巨大的機會之庫裏已沒有足夠的儲備。因此今天我們要求將支票兌現——這張支票將給予我們寶貴的自由和正義的保障。”

1968年，金恩博士遭刺殺身亡。

1989台灣言論自由鬥士—鄭南榕

曾經鐵幕降在這塊土地上，曾經牢籠罩在這塊土地上，漆黑的夜，大家瑟縮著！而他，鄭南榕，用它小小的身體，照亮了這籠罩的重重陰驪，為星星之火可以燎原，在歷史上坐下最好的註解。

你可以說他自不量力，也可以說他不愛惜自己，但是他這樣的對自己不疼惜，我們知道，是因為對更大的目標的追尋，百分之百的言論自由。

也許，你不知道鄭南榕！但是他種下的民主種子到二十年後的今天以成長茁壯，我們做在下面乘涼。也許，你不知道他！但是他追求那自由的空氣，在今天已經充滿四方，我們呼吸著滋養著我們的生命。

那天，就是1989年的那天，鄭南榕收到了涉嫌叛亂的傳票，他不願意被鐵幕所囚禁那自由的心靈，不願意政府莫需有的污辱，玷污單純的心，於是狠狠的抵抗，「國民黨抓不到我的人，只能抓到我的屍體」。他用一把火燃燒自己，是呀，也許只有這樣政府才不能破壞純淨。

他的燃燒的生命，也帶來一絲絲的光明，讓大家知道，什麼是黎明，不用繼續瑟縮在黑夜裡，只要我們追求，黎明總有來到的一天。而今天，天早已光，我們會去珍惜這得來不易，繼續的守護著這塊土地。

1990緬甸人權的困境

緬甸獨立以後長期由軍政府掌權，1988年八月八日，緬甸大學生發起學運推展緬甸民主運動，遭到軍政府暴力鎮壓，有三千多人死亡。1990年軍政府在國際壓力下舉行大選，翁山蘇姬的政黨「全國民主聯盟」贏得了絕對優勢，但軍政府選後不予承認，並且將翁山蘇姬軟禁至今。緬甸人權還正在努力，而世界許多國家領袖也共同聯名要求聯合國施壓緬甸軍政府釋放翁山蘇姬。

野草苺學運人權公祭宣言

野草苺學運人權公祭宣言

文/孫有蓉(於2008/11/20)

2008年11月23日的今天，我們站在歷史的頂端看著自己陷落。二十年來，這塊土地上先人用奮鬥所換取的人權，被當作花俏的裝飾品，隨時取下。

我們站在這裡，我們十七天以來站在這裡，因為「自由」如此清晰地印刻在心頭上，而任何對它的遺忘或蔑視都使人民不幸、使政府腐敗。我們站在此地，因為血與咆嘯似乎變成了人民和政府對話的唯一方式，而我們乞求和平，我們乞求正義被伸張。

自由的這塊土地，才是我們所認同的國家。保障人權的法律，才是我們所尊重的律法。請讓我們行走，請讓我們揮舞旗幟，請讓我們歌唱。請讓我們保護弱勢，免於以社會利益、國家利益所鑄成的劍，深深刺入無助的雙眼。

我們掙開雙眼，要看到真實的民主台灣，而不是被民主自由幻象所包裝的威權。當任何政府在他們的威權上蓋上民主、自由的包裝，我們將共同以雙手抵抗，絕不退讓。

今天，我們對彼此約定，決不容忍政府對人權、自由的箝制，與對人民的傲慢。我們共同宣讀世界人權宣言的片段，以表示對政府最沉痛的警訊：

世界人權宣言第一條

人人生而自由，在尊嚴和權利上一律平等。他們賦有理性和良心，並應以兄弟關係的精神相對待。

第三條

人人有權享有生命、自由和人身安全。

第六條

人人在任何地方有權被承認在法律前的人格。

第九條

任何人不得加以任意逮補、拘禁或放逐。

第十九條

人人有權享受主張和發表意見的自由；此項權利包括持有主張而不受干涉的自由，和通過任何媒介和不論國界尋求、接受和傳遞消息和思想的自由。

台灣是一個人權國家，台灣必須是一個人權國家，因為，那才是我們共同簽訂的契約。當有人想利用國家權力，背叛我們所立下的誓約，我們將群起攻之，在所不惜。

2008年十一月二十三日，在人權靈前，對天、對地、對人立下此誓約，眾所共鑒。

學運新生代—談野草莓學運組織行動

學運新生代—談野草莓學運組織行動

文/孫有蓉(於2008/11/20)

我踏入大學以來聽著學運性社團在學校中喊著「大學生好冷漠！」直到現在，而野草莓學運在一個晚上串聯、燃燒，在十一月六日聚集了超過五百名學生，打破了許多人對於新世代關懷社會的想像。在一個個人主義昌盛，連對於「校花」都不可能有共識的校園中，這次快速凝聚共同意識並且在第一天吸引了這麼多學生，超過了任何學生團體曾經發動的行動。而以校園內普遍瀰漫的政治冷感氣息來看，一個政黨要操弄這次行動根本不可能，這次行動之所以如此驚人，絕非因為網路快速或資訊傳達快速，而是因為那些活生生血淋淋的畫面衝擊了我們最根本對國家、對社會的想像。

這個國家不該如此。

這是讓許多同學走上靜坐場最單純的邏輯。

這場學生運動由教授發起，李明璁教授為了避面自己主導整場活動，刻意將主導權下放到所有學生中。在當天晚上分成了二十二個小組，並選出了各小組的代表，以代議制的方式組成了決策小組，而這個決策小組卻讓野草莓學運在第二天後無法有效決策。

在搬移到自由廣場上長期抗爭後，眾多的學生組織成了幾個小組進行分工：媒體、論述、庶務、醫療、活動，其中庶務組完全負擔起了在場學生們的吃住問題，而活動組承擔起了整個廣場靜坐的所有活動安排。經過了幾天混亂期，行政終於安定下來，整體在廣場上的運作都穩定下來，但決策小組卻無法帶領流動性過大的靜坐學生們，而第一天晚上直接民主的決策機制成為笨重的程序讓這場學生運動除了在自由廣場靜坐哪裡也去不了。

在一種沒有共同基礎、沒有共識、沒有團結形成團體的前提下，形式上的民主決策完全展現了多數暴力，根本是柏拉圖理想國中民主國家暴民政治的寫照。行政會議冗長、沒有效率更無法決策，更因此趕跑了許多靜坐同學。這樣的問題在這幾天慢慢被一些學生團體認知，開始意識到組織群眾的重要性，開始意識到民主的表決決策是需要充分的事前認知與參與，而也只有一個群體真正成為團體以後才可能做出團體決策。漸漸地，校際串聯、校內串聯、群眾組織都慢慢開始運作，在過錯後我們終於踏上明朗。作為春訓，這場學運才真正開始。

距離上次野百合學運近二十年，台灣社會整體社會條件變遷巨大，「民主」精神雖然可能尚未形成社會共識，但接受高等教育的大學生們完全熟稔於民主程序、表決等議事規則，使野草苺學運雖然同樣成立了決策小組，其組織方式卻大大相異於野百合學運。在慌亂中摸索出道路後，學運沖出了學生們的強連結，而在最後一刻到來時，我們將互相約定：下次戰場見。而這個戰場，可以是學校、可以是文字、可以是社會議題現場、可以是有形無形…，以無限想像填滿理想。

加油，野草莓。